|
Avoidance speech is a group of sociolinguistic phenomena in which a special restricted speech style must be used in the presence of or in reference to certain relatives. Avoidance speech is found in many Australian Aboriginal languages〔Dixon, R.M.W. (1980). "Speech and song styles: Avoidance styles". In ''The languages of Australia'' (Sections 3.3-3.4, pp. 58-68). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.〕 and Austronesian languages 〔Simons, Gary. 1982. Word taboo and comparative Austronesian linguistics. ''Pacific Linguistics'' C–76:157–226.〕 as well as some North American languages, Highland East Cushitic languages 〔Treis, Yvonne. 2005. Avoiding their names, avoiding their eyes: How Kambaata women respect their in-laws. ''Anthrolological Linguistics'' 47.3:292-320〕 and Bantu languages.〔Herbert, Robert K. 1990. ''Hlonipha'' and the Ambiguous Woman. ''Anthropos'' 85:455-473.〕 Avoidance speech styles tend to have the same phonology and grammar as the standard language they are a part of. The lexicon, however, tends to be smaller than in normal speech, since these styles are only used for limited communication. ==Australia== Avoidance speech in Australian Aboriginal languages is closely tied to elaborate tribal kinship systems in which certain relatives are considered taboo. Avoidance relations differ from tribe to tribe in terms of strictness and to whom they apply. Typically, there is an avoidance relationship between a man and his mother-in-law, usually between a woman and her father-in-law, and sometimes between any person and their parent-in-law of the same sex. For some tribes, avoidance relationships are extended to other family members, such as the mother-in-law's brother in Warlpiri or cross-cousins in Dyirbal. All relations are classificatory – more people may fall into the “mother-in-law” category than just a man's wife's mother.〔Dixon 1980: 58-59〕 Avoidance speech styles used with taboo relatives are often called “mother-in-law languages,” although they are not actually separate languages but separate lexical sets with the same grammar and phonology. Typically, the taboo lexical set has a one-to-many correspondence with the everyday set. For example, in Dyirbal the avoidance style has one word, ''jijan'', for all lizards and guanas while the everyday style differentiates many varieties. In Guugu Yimidhirr the avoidance speech verb ''bali-l'' ‘travel’ covers several everyday verbs meaning ‘go’, ‘walk’, ‘crawl’, ‘paddle’, ‘float, sail, drift’, and ‘limp along’. Corresponding avoidance and everyday words are generally not linguistically related. Avoidance forms tend to be longer than everyday forms.〔Dixon 1980: 61-64〕 In some areas, the avoidance style is used by both members of the avoidance relationship; in others the older member may talk to the younger in everyday style. Behavior associated with avoidance speech is a continuum and varies between tribes. For the Dyirbal people, a man and his mother-in-law may not make eye contact, face one another or directly talk to each other. Rather, they must address a third person or even a nearby object. For slightly less restricted relationships, such as between a man and his father-in-law, avoidance style is used and must be spoken in a slow, soft voice. An extreme case of avoidance behavior is found in the Umpila tribe, in which a man and his mother-in-law may not speak at all in each other’s presence.〔Dixon 1980: 59-60〕 Children in these cultures acquire avoidance speech forms as part of their normal language development, learning with whom to use them at a fairly young age.〔Dixon 1980: 60〕 Additionally, a few languages have another style, called a ‘secret language’ or ‘mystic language’, that is taught to boys as part of initiation rituals, and is only used between men.〔Dixon 1980: 65-68〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「avoidance speech」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
|